All the bourgeois’ spectrums - mentioned in the previous part – are contrary to anti-capitalism and the abolition of wage-labour of the working class. This is the only movement that is representing true Communism of the working class, and extends it into practice. Here, strategy and tactic constitute an organic unity of the changing process of actual existence, and it is another manifestation of unity between theory and revolutionary practice to replace the capitalist system with a society devoid of wage-labour, the state, classes, and any sort of human beings’ dismissal from the fate of work, production, and lives.
This movement starts from the anatomy of the capitalist society which is the relation of wage-labour. The base and foundation of the capitalist structure is the relation of surplus-value production. All forms of poverty, deprivation, disfranchisements, etc, are the results of the reproduction of the labour relation between the buying and selling forces. Private property is a phenomenon which existed before capitalism. Private property is a mode of production, and it is an appropriate one that is suited to the capitalist system. Any kind of analysis of capitalism related to competition, or the anarchy of production is falling within the bourgeois political economy and it does not relate to the political economy from a proletarian view.
The anti-capitalist movement explains socialism as abolishing wage-labour. Therefore, any system based on wage-labour, or one built upon the relationship of the buying and selling of the labour force could not be called "socialism". State capitalism independent of what this state would call itself is not socialism. The political super-structure of socialism is realized with the council organization of the work planning, and the social production of the organized mass worker of the working class. And, this is going to be the direct intervention, conscious, effective, sufficient, and not with the state above the working class. The worker council is a result of the revolution, not the state above the society.
The establishment of socialism is the task of the worker masses organizing themselves against capitalism for abolishing the wage-labour system. Socialism would not emerge neither from the syndicalism movement, cult of law, nor the elites of the parties. Therefore, any party-building with some elites with the name of Marx and above the working class and outside of the realm of current action of working class is Utopia, not socialism. Socialism, contrary to Bolshevism is not the twin brother of industry and party. The base and foundation of socialism is the anti-capitalist movement for abolishing wage-slavery. The socialist movement is the anti- capitalism of the working class which is transformed into class consciousness.
The revolutionary materialism of Marx, the political economy of the proletarian, and the critique of the political economy of the bourgeoisie are not abstract postulates or an ideology statement, rather it is the actual critique-praxis that grasps the roots, the root of capitalism – wage-labour. The revolutionary materialism and Marxian critique of the political economy of the bourgeois only becomes tangible through the actual and current class struggle of the working class against wage-labour for abolishing the capitalist system. The communistic consciousness contrary to Hegelian’s ‘fantasy’ has not been born two centuries late from the London library or from research of a human by the name of Marx. The source of the proletarian consciousness and the role of Marx can only be explained as revolutionary thinking of the working class.
“Which, ousted from society, is forced into the most decided antagonism to all other classes; a class which forms the majority of all members of society, and from which emanates the consciousness of the necessity of a fundamental revolution, the communist consciousness, which may, of course, arise among the other classes too through the contemplation of situation of this class.(Karl Marx selected writings 2nd edition, 2000, David McLellan ed., “German Ideology”)
The class consciousness of the proletariat is the conscious existence of the worker’s movement. Communism, revolutionary Marxian materialism, Marxian critique of the political economy of the bourgeois, and the entire proletarian class critique of capitalism outside the current action of the worker’s movement become the statement against another statement which is not the conscious existence of the working class, nor a material weapon in the struggle of this class rather a sect along with other sects. This word - ‘Marxism’ - as a science is correct yet; one cannot question the essence and subjectivity of class and these lessons. ‘Marxism’ could be a science but the actual existence of this science can only be tangible in the anti-capitalist practical movement. Physics is a science as well, and has a different function for different classes. For example, the Albert Einstein famous formula that was used by the bourgeoisie against humanity can also be used by the communist proletariat for a better world.
Anti-wage-labour will not draw a line between the struggle of the working class for their current demands on the bourgeois and, the class struggle of the worker masses for abolishing the capitalist system. Any demands for increasing wages must be a chain of the class war against capitalism. When the worker masses bring their class indictment as the balance of labour and production against the bourgeoisie and its government with respect to their own class readiness for demanding the reduction of surplus labour, they are, in fact, doing this action. However, this action is not within the framework of the trade unions and not with the obedience of the cult of law, order of production, civil and political of capital rather by stepping on this order and becoming a subject matter of their struggle, practically, they make their pit against capitalism. And, this issue is relevant to other current and daily struggles of the working class. Any struggle of the working class for better conditions, means of subsistence, welfare, and social benefits that is not tied to the rotten framework of the trade unions or the framework of the legality of capitalism rather relies on its own power, and its own class force is able to enforce its will. Furthermore, this signifies that the working class, in a practical way, is building its own pit against capitalism. Any struggle for livelihood, subsistence, etcetera – if it does not rely on the framework of the legality of capitalism and unionism – rather it relies on its own action, struggle and exerting its own class, becomes an anti-capitalist struggle. This is a manifestation of the anti-wage-labour of the working class. On the contrary, any demands of the working class still tied to the framework of the legality of capitalism and, the realization of any demands tied to submission of this system is reformist syndicalism.
The anti-wage–labour movement does not restrict any other socio-legal rights or political freedom, rights to strike, rights of formation of the current struggle of workers. For example, a strike is a means to exert the working class power which needs to be organized against capitalism. For example, when referring to a strike as a legal right with capitalism, this is diverging from the direction of the anti-capitalist struggle. The right of its formation in the framework of the legality of capitalism is a negation of the working class formation against capitalism. The worker masses must be organized against capitalism without any reference to the bourgeoisie or its government. The right of free election or voting is falling into an abyss of the bourgeois parliament and the legality of capitalism. An alternative to the right of holding elections or voting is the negation of parliamentarism and making the greatest attempt for organizing anti-capitalist workers councils to exert our own power.
The approach of the anti-wage-labour movement with respect to the women’s movement against sexual discrimination is that this movement is not in the realm of a demand of democracy rather it is inseparable from the entirely anti-capitalist struggle of the working class. The demands of worker masses in this realm is not only ‘equal wages for equal labour’ rather it is the greatest possible pressure for reducing the disenfranchisement of women. The base of this demand is tied to the power between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The struggle for a better environment, abolishing child labour, against race discrimination, etcetera, is inseparable from the anti-capitalist struggle of the working class. In every realm of these struggles instead of hanging onto reformism in order to reform the legal structure of wage-slavery, we should try to find the anti-wage-labour’s direction. For example, the method of the struggle against pollution of the environment is not to replace one kind of energy with another one, or one transportation with another one, rather fundamentally changing the programming of the production and work, and a radical attack against the nucleus of the relation of the surplus-value production, i.e. what needs to be produced or not, in what amount, are tied to the foundation of the anti-capitalist movement, and the organized anti-wage-labour council. With respect to the abolition of child labour, the anti-wage-labour movement does not restrict itself to lip-service ‘abolishing child labour’, rather it involves this subject matter within its struggle to ensure, secure, unconditionally for all children, and their means of subsistence, livelihood, health, education without work. In the struggle against poverty, the anti-wage-labour movement will not hang onto reforms as the mode of distribution of services rather it takes fundamental anti-capitalist demands as a subject matter within its struggle.
Within the same scope with respect to housing, health, education, and other forms of social welfare, the anti-wage-labour movement is not persuading its struggle within the framework of reforms and the legal structure of the relation of the production of surplus-value. Each of these demands and realms is considered to be an organic and connected struggle of the anti-capitalist movement for abolishing wage-labour. These demands are a way of worker masses struggling against the wage-labour relation, and the struggle of imposing on the bourgeoisie is an open field within the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisies. This now demonstrates clearly why all the tactical requirements of any current struggle’s direction of the working class with respect to the anti-wage-labour movement are tied to the anti-capitalist struggle of the working class which is an organic one. Here, every tactic is part of the entire strategy which becomes a subjective and organic connection with its struggle of the anti-wage-labour movement. Marx in his anatomy of the capitalist system and his critique of every angle of this system sees the relation of wage-labour, and had a radical, revolutionary and changeable view about this. Class struggle in this view comprising the unity of every labour dissent to any kind of enfranchisement, and oppression accompanied with dissent to the material foundation of this enfranchisement and oppression. Labour-slavery or the relation of buying and selling labour-force is the foundation of the material existence of the capitalist system.
Bourgeois communism does not consider the capitalist society as the ever increasing social relation of the surplus-value of production. And for this reason, the daily and current struggle of the working class and the kind of organization of this struggle is prohibited from the left sectarians and syndicalism. These spectrums from the left sectarians to syndicalism where they see themselves as a leader and big brother of the working class everywhere are tied to reformism. Their communism is not a result of the anti-wage labour struggle, nor is it a class struggle rather it is a result of a sect on top of the movement for seizing the political power for themselves under the name of communism. And as a result, their communism is nothing but state capitalism.
The anti-wage-labour movement is the only movement that is both a strategy and a tactic for abolishing wage-slavery
